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讣闻 | 外交官科菲·安南 | 纽约时报

2018-8-19 20:07| 发布者: 中非视界| 查看: 42| 评论: 0

摘要: Kofi Annan, Diplomat Who Redefined the U.N., Dies at 80Kofi Annan, a soft-spoken and patrician diplomat from Ghana, who became the seventh secretary general of the United Nations, projecting himself a ...

Kofi Annan, Diplomat Who Redefined the U.N., Dies at 80

Kofi Annan, a soft-spoken and patrician diplomat from Ghana, who became the seventh secretary general of the United Nations, projecting himself and his organization as the world’s conscience and moral arbiter despite bloody debacles that left indelible stains on his record as a peacekeeper, died on Saturday. He was 80.

温文尔雅的加纳外交官,担任联合国安理会秘书长期间,即便血腥的失败给他作为维和者的履历留下难以磨灭的印迹,却仍将自己和这个机构打造成世界的良心和道德仲裁所——科菲·安南周六去世,享年80岁。


His death was confirmed by the Kofi Annan Foundation.

科菲·安南基金会宣布了丧讯。


Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001, he was the first black African to head the United Nations, and led the organization for two successive five-year terms beginning in 1997 — a decade of turmoil that challenged the sprawling body and redefined its place in a changing world.

2001年被授予诺贝尔和平奖的他是第一位领导联合国的非洲黑人,1997年始连任两届,十年间动荡不安,给这个庞大的机构带来挑战,也重新定义了联合国在一个变化世界中的位置。


On his watch as what the Nobel committee called Africa’s foremost diplomat, Al Qaeda struck New York and Washington, the United States invaded Iraq, and Western policymakers turned their sights from the Cold War to globalization and the struggle with Islamic militancy.

诺贝尔委员会称他为非洲最重要的外交官,在他任内,基地组织袭击了纽约和华盛顿,纽约入侵了伊拉克,西方决策者的注意力从冷战转向了全球化及与伊斯兰军事分子的斗争。


An emblem as much of the body’s most ingrained flaws as of its grandest aspirations, Mr. Annan was the first secretary general to be chosen from the international civil servants who make up the United Nations’ bureaucracy.

安南先生是首任由联合国官僚机构的国际公务员选出来的秘书长,他同时象征着该机构最内在的缺陷及其最宏大的愿望。


He was credited with revitalizing its institutions, crafting what he called a new “norm of humanitarian intervention,” particularly in places where there was no peace for traditional peacekeepers to keep, and, not least, in persuading Washington to unblock arrears withheld because of the profound misgivings about the body voiced by American conservatives.

他的功绩包括复兴了联合国机构,打造了他所说的“人道主义干预的典范”,尤其在传统的维和部队无和可维的地方,最重要的是,劝说华盛顿解冻欠费,此前美国保守派对这一机构忧虑重重,因此扣住了会费。


His tenure was rarely free of debate and he was likened in stature to Dag Hammarskjold, the second secretary general, who died in a mysterious plane crash in Africa in 1961.

他任期内争议重重,他的声望被比作第二任秘书长韩马绍,韩马绍1961年离奇地在非洲坠机身亡。


In 1998, Mr. Annan traveled to Baghdad to negotiate directly with Saddam Hussein over the status of United Nations weapons inspections, winning a temporary respite in the long battle of wills with the West but raising questions about his decision to shake hands — and even smoke cigars — with the dictator.

1998年,安南先生前往巴格达直接与萨达姆·侯赛因就联合国武器核查人员的地位进行磋商,使伊拉克长期与西方的意志较量获得短暂的缓解,可他决定与独裁者握手、甚至一起抽雪茄,引发了争议。


In fact, Mr. Annan called the 2003 invasion of Iraq illegal and suffered an acute personal loss when a trusted and close associate, the Brazilian official Sérgio Vieira de Mello, his representative in Baghdad, died in a suicide truck bombing in August 2003 that struck the United Nations office there, killing many civilians.

事实上,安南先生认为2003年入侵伊拉克是非法的, 他信赖的亲密助手、驻巴格达特使巴西官员塞尔吉奥·维埃拉·德梅洛2003年8月在当地联合国办公室自杀性袭击中同许多平民一起死亡,这让安南痛苦不堪。


The attack prompted complaints that Mr. Annan had not grasped the perils facing his subordinates after the ouster of Mr. Hussein.

袭击让人们责怪安南先生,说他在侯赛因先生被推翻后没有意识到下属可能面临的威胁。


While his admirers praised his courtly, charismatic and measured approach, he was hamstrung by the inherent flaw of his position as what many people called a “secular pope” — a figure of moral authority bereft of the means other than persuasion to enforce the high standards he articulated.

尽管他的仰慕者赞扬了他儒雅、充满魅力且慎重的处理方式,但其职务内在的缺陷限制了他,许多人将他称为“世俗教皇”,占据了道德高点,除了劝人向善没有任何手段。


As secretary general, Mr. Annan, like all his predecessor and successors, commanded no divisions of troops or independent sources of income. Ultimately, his writ extended only as far as the usually squabbling powers making up the Security Council — the highest U.N. executive body — allowed it to run.

作为秘书长,安南先生与所有前任和继任者一样,手下无一兵一卒,也没有独立的收入来源。最终,他的命令只能看联合国最高执行机构安理会中经常斗法的各个大国允许他干些什么。


In his time, those divisions deepened, reaching a nadir in the invasion of Iraq. Over his objections, the campaign went ahead on the American and British premise that it was meant to disarm the Iraqi regime of chemical weapons, which it did not have — or, at least, were never found.

在他任内,这种内斗加剧了,在入侵伊拉克问题上达到顶点。尽管他不同意,战争还是继续,美国和英国说,目的是解除伊拉克政权拥有的化学武器,可伊拉克并没有,至少没有找到。


Iraq also brought embarrassment closer to home when reports began to surface in 2004 that Mr. Annan’s son, Kojo Annan, worked for Cotecna Inspection Services, a Geneva-based company that had won a lucrative contract in a vast humanitarian program supervised by the United Nations in Iraq and known as oil for food.

伊拉克还引发了尴尬事,2004年报告浮出水面,说安南的儿子科乔·安南供职于克泰科纳核查服务,这是一家日内瓦公司,获得了联合国监督下的一个大型人道主义项目的巨额合同,这个项目就是“以石油换食品”。


A commission led by Paul A. Volcker concluded that the secretary general had not influenced the awarding of the contract, but had not investigated aggressively once questions were raised.

保罗·沃尔克领导的调查小组得出结论,秘书长并未影响合同授予,但问题出现后并未严肃调查。


The secretary general said he took the commission’s findings as exoneration, but his reputation suffered, particularly in the eyes of adversaries in Washington.

秘书长说,他认为调查组的结论宣告他无过,但他的名誉受损,尤其在他华盛顿的对手看来。

In assessing his broader record, moreover, many critics singled out Mr. Annan’s personal role as head of the United Nations peacekeeping operations from 1993 to 1997 — a period that saw the killing of 18 American service personnel in Somalia in October 1993, the deaths of more than 800,000 Rwandans in the genocide of 1994, and the bloody massacre of 8,000 Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces at Srebrenica in 1995.

另外,对他进行全面评估时,许多批判者对安南1993年到1997年间担任联合国违和行动负责人时的个人作用进行了批评,1993年10月,18名美国军事人员被杀,1994年超过80万卢旺达人在种族灭绝中死亡,1995年,斯雷布雷尼察的波斯尼亚塞族武装血腥屠杀了8000名波斯尼亚穆斯林。


In Rwanda and Bosnia, United Nations forces drawn from across the organization’s member states were outgunned and showed little resolve. In both cases, troops from Europe were quick to abandon their missions. And in both cases, Mr. Annan was accused of failing to safeguard those who looked to United Nations soldiers for protection.

在卢旺达和波斯尼亚,来自各成员国的联合国部队火力不足,没有任何斗志。在这两个事件中,欧洲部队马上放弃了使命。也正是在这两个事件中,安南被控未能保卫那些负责保护联合国士兵的人。


“Annan felt that the very countries that had turned their backs on the Rwandans and Bosnians were the ones making him their scapegoat,” Samantha Power, an author who later became ambassador at the United Nations during the Obama administration, wrote in 2008, “But he knew that his name would appear in the history books beside the two defining genocidal crimes of the second half of the 20th century.”

“安南感觉正是那些对卢旺达人和波斯尼亚人不管不顾的国家拿他当替罪羊,”奥巴马政府期间成为驻联合国大使的作家萨曼莎·鲍尔2008年写道。“但他知道自己的名字会与20世纪下半叶两次屠杀犯罪事件共同出现在历史书上。”


Despite the serial setbacks, Mr. Annan commanded the world stage with ease in his impeccably tailored suits, goatee beard and slight, graceful physique — attributes that made him and his second wife, Nane Lagergren, a global power couple.

尽管连续遭受挫折,世界舞台上的安南先生从容不迫,身穿完美合身的西服,留着山羊胡子,身材不高却优雅翩翩,这些特质让他与第二任妻子娜内·拉格尔格伦成为国际舞台上的权力夫妇。


He seemed to radiate an aura of probity and authority. “How do we explain Kofi Annan’s enduring moral prestige,” the Canadian author, politician and academic Michael Ignatieff wrote in a review of Mr. Annan’s 2012 memoir, “Interventions.”

他看起来散发出一种正直和权威的气场。“我们该如何解释科菲·安南经久不衰的道德声誉呢?”加拿大作家、政治家和学者迈克尔·伊格纳季耶在2012年安南先生回忆录《干涉》的文评中写道。


“Personal charisma is only part of the story,” Mr. Ignatieff wrote. “In addition to his charm, of which there is plenty, there is the authority that comes from experience. Few people have spent so much time around negotiating tables with thugs, warlords and dictators. He has made himself the world’s emissary to the dark side.”

“个人魅力只是故事的一个方面,”伊格纳季耶先生写道。“除了全身洋溢着的魅力,他还有一种基于经验的权威。很少有人花如此多时间在谈判桌上同暴徒、军阀和独裁者周旋。他把自己打造成派往这个世界阴暗一面的使者。”


The desire to burnish his legacy seemed to motivate Mr. Annan long after Ban Ki-moon replaced him as secretary general, and he set up a nonprofit foundation to promote higher standards of global governance. In 2008, he headed a commission of eminent Africans that persuaded rival factions in Kenya to reconcile a year after more than 1,000 people were killed during and after disputed elections.

安南希望擦亮自己的遗产,这种愿望在潘基文替代他成为秘书长多年后依然如此。他建立了一个非盈利基金,推动更高水平的国际治理。2008年,他领导了一个非洲名人委员会,劝说肯尼亚各派别势力达成和解,一年前,1000多人在遭到破坏的选举前后被杀。


In February 2012, Mr. Annan was appointed as the joint envoy of the Arab League and the United Nations to seek a settlement as civil war tightened its grip on Syria. But he resigned in frustration in August of that year, citing the intransigence of both sides in a conflict that convulsed and reshaped the region and claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.

2012年2月,安南先生被任命为阿盟和联合国联合使者,寻求为正在升级的叙利亚内战遭到解决方案。但当年8月,他遇挫辞职,表示冲突双方都不妥协,这场冲突摇撼并重塑了这一地区,导致数十万人死亡。


Kofi Atta Annan was born on April 8, 1938, in the city of Kumasi in what was then Gold Coast and which, in 1957, became Ghana, the first African state to achieve independence from British colonialism. Born into an aristocratic family, he had three sisters, two of them older. The third, Efua, was a twin who died in the 1990s.

科菲·阿塔·安南1938年4月8日出生于当时还是黄金海岸的库马西市,1957年,黄金海岸成为加纳,这是第一个脱离英国殖民统治获得独立的非洲国家。他出生在贵胄之家,有两个姐姐、一个妹妹,妹妹埃芙阿与他是双胞胎,上世纪九十年代去世。


After a spell at the elite Mfantsipim boarding school founded by Methodists, he went on to higher education as an economist in Ghana, at Macalester College in St. Paul, in Geneva, and at the M.I.T. Sloan School of Management.

他在卫理公会创建的一所精英日间学校学了一段时间,然后在日内瓦圣保罗马卡莱斯特学院和麻省理工学院斯隆管理学院接受高等教育,成为加纳经济学家


In 1965, he married Titi Alakija, a woman from a prosperous Nigerian family. The couple had two children, a daughter, Ama, and a son, Kojo. The marriage foundered in the late 1970s.

1965年,他娶了尼日利亚富家女提提·阿拉基嘉。夫妇二人育有一儿一女,阿玛和科乔。七十年代末,二人婚姻破裂。


In 1984, Mr. Annan married Ms. Lagergren, a divorced lawyer working at the United Nations. She, too, was a scion of a prominent family, a niece of Raoul Wallenberg, the Swedish diplomat who protected thousands of Hungarian Jews during World War II but disappeared after being captured by Soviet forces. Ms. Lagergren had a daughter, Nina, from her first marriage.

1984年,安南先生娶了拉格尔格伦女士,在联合国工作的离异律师。她也来自显赫之家,是瑞典外交家罗尔‧瓦伦堡的外甥女,瓦伦堡在二战期间保护了数千名匈牙利犹太人,但被苏联军队抓获后就失踪了。拉格尔格伦女士此前有一个女儿,叫妮娜。


Most of Mr. Annan’s working life was spent in the corridors and conference rooms of the United Nations, but, he told the author Philip Gourevitch in 2003, “I feel profoundly African, my roots are deeply African, and the things I was taught as a child are very important to me.”

安南先生大部分职业生涯都在联合国的走廊和会议室中度过,但他2003年对作家菲利普·古勒维奇说,“我深切地感觉到自己是个非洲人,我的根深深地扎在非洲,我儿时学到的东西对我非常重要。”


His first appointment with a United Nations agency was in 1962, at the World Health Organization in Geneva. Mr. Annan returned briefly to Ghana to promote tourism and worked in Ethiopia with the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa before returning to the body’s European headquarters. 

他1962年获得了第一份联合国机构的工作,供职于日内瓦的世界卫生组织。安南曾短期回到加纳,推动旅游业,并在埃塞俄比亚为联合国非洲经济委员会工作,后来回到了该机构的欧洲总部。


Later, in New York, he worked at first in senior human resources and budgetary positions, and, in the early 1990s, the former secretary general, Boutros Boutros Ghali of Egypt, appointed him first as deputy, then as head of peacekeeping operations.

此后来到纽约,他首先担任高级人力资源和预算职位,九十年代初,前秘书长埃及人尤瑟夫-布特罗斯-加利任命他为副秘书长,负责维和行动。


The appointment plunged Mr. Annan into a maelstrom of conflicts where United Nations forces were deployed. As genocide approached Rwanda in 1994 — months after the downing of a Black Hawk helicopter in Mogadishu, Somalia, and the killing of American service personnel — the Clinton administration in Washington had little appetite for intervention.

这一任命让安南先生陷入联合国军涉足的冲突旋涡之中。1994年大屠杀在卢旺达开始时——几个月前索马里摩加迪沙黑鹰武装直升机坠毁、美国军事人员被杀——克林顿政府根本不愿意干涉。


But, on the ground, the Canadian commander, Lt. Gen. Roméo Dallaire, heading a modest force of 2,500 United Nations troops, sought permission from Mr. Annan’s office to raid an arms cache that he believed would be used in massacres. Permission was refused.

但领导了2500名联合国士兵的加拿大司令官罗密欧·达莱尔中将要求安南先生批准袭击一处武器库,他认为武器被用来屠杀。请求被拒绝。


Only years later, after the release of a critical report in 1999, did Mr. Annan declare that “all of us must bitterly regret that we did not do more to prevent it. On behalf of the United Nations, I acknowledge this failure and express my deep remorse.”

数年后,1999年的关键报告发布后,安南先生才宣布“我们所有人都深深表示遗憾,我们没有做更多事以避免屠杀,我代表联合国承认失败,并表达我深刻的悔恨。”


In Bosnia, too, the United Nations was accused of bring overcautious and restricted by the mandate approved by the Security Council for the establishment of so-called safe havens under U.N. protection that proved, in Srebrenica, to be illusory. European powers opposed airstrikes to halt the advancing Bosnian Serbs, who overran the village of Srebrenica despite the presence of peacekeeping troops from the Netherlands.

同样在波斯尼亚,联合国被控过分谨慎,受限于安理会批准建立所谓联合国保护下的安全区的命令,结果在斯雷布雷尼察安全区根本是幻觉。欧洲大国反对通过空袭来遏止挺进的波斯尼亚赛族人,他们碾平了斯雷布雷尼察村,尽管荷兰维和部队就在现场。


Later that year, Mr. Annan seemed to adopt a tougher line, approving the NATO bombing campaign that forced Serbia to the negotiating table for the Daytona peace accords. At that time, airstrikes required a so-called dual key approval of the NATO command and the United Nations.

当年晚些时候,安南先生看起来立场强硬起来,批准了北约的轰炸行动,行动迫使塞尔维亚走到谈判桌前,达成代托纳和平协议。当时,空袭需要得到北约司令部和联合国的所谓双重钥匙批准。


“When Kofi turned it,” Richard Holbrooke, the former American envoy, told Mr. Gourevitch, “he became secretary general in waiting.” With Washington pressing for the ouster of Mr. Boutros Ghali, Mr. Annan took office as secretary general with American approval on Jan. 1, 1997.

“安南批准后,”前美国大使理查德·霍尔布鲁克对古勒维奇先生说,“他成了候任秘书长”。华盛顿敦促罢黜加利,1997年1月1日,安南先生在美国批准下成为安理会秘书长。


He was, Ms. Power wrote, “the primary guardian of the U.N. rule book” which insisted on the paramountcy of the Security Council as what Mr. Annan called “the sole source of legitimacy” in approving overseas interventions.

鲍尔女士写道,他是“联合国规则的首席捍卫者”,他坚持安理会至上,安南先生将其称为批准海外干涉行动的“唯一合法来源”。


Those rules were openly flouted by NATO in March 1999, with its bombing of the former Yugoslavia, forcing Mr. Annan to seek some kind of middle ground.

1999年3月,北约公开违反这些准则,轰炸前南斯拉夫,迫使安南先生寻找某种妥协。


“It is indeed tragic that diplomacy has failed,” he said on the first day of NATO bombing, choosing words that largely defined the dilemmas confronting policymakers throughout and beyond his tenure, “but there are times when the use of force may be legitimate in the pursuit of peace.”

“外交失败了,这真是悲哀,”他在北约开始轰炸第一天说,他字斟句酌地定义了其全部任期以及其后的决策者面临的困境,“但有时使用武力谋求和平可能也是合法的。”


“We will not, and we cannot accept a situation where people are brutalized behind national boundaries,” he continued later as the 78-day aerial campaign ended its second week of efforts to halt a crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.

”我们不会也不能接受人民在自己国境内被残暴对待这种事,“他在78天的空袭进行了两周后继续说,空袭目的是遏止对科索沃阿尔巴尼亚人的镇压。


“For, at the end of the 20th century, one thing is clear: A United Nations that will not stand up for human rights is a United Nations that cannot stand up for itself.”

”在20世纪末,有一件事是显而易见的:无法捍卫人权的联合国连自己也无法捍卫。“


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